Gosha vs De poot

Who mogs

  • Gosha

    Votes: 13 39.4%
  • De Poot

    Votes: 20 60.6%

  • Total voters
    33
D

Deleted member 17791

Insane in the brain
Joined
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Who mogs.

Gosha
717E365A A1E1 40C4 8030 1811FDCBAF87
AFC0A76D 7DB3 4A45 A75F 287F2AE4F530
49BAA5D5 8393 4253 B64E DE650DA540A7
C4377DD3 E761 4A55 978B D048F9F12C49
8D6B07DA 0E9C 43BD 9F27 D0549C376A36
494DCC81 8DDC 4B74 BBF3 857AAC51EF02


De Poot
ECF81B74 26F7 4281 9F53 917F063E2D8F
A5A3838B CF3B 4A70 AF3A 9D7993087685
F7A90EA5 E982 4077 B47C 61184C60B4E3
BCE83C0F 73F7 4435 A5BA F1D9178FA757
945E00F6 64DF 4EA9 9047 F144990A5705
784E3019 DA27 4311 91C3 52EECB9A86D5
352597AD 5D20 4C8F 9ACB 51BE48C9B49A



@Thompsonz
@germanlooks
 
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One looks like a female with short hair while the other looks like an anime character
 
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DP would look like a beast if he gymcelled. He both prettyboy mogs and (potential) ogre mogs.
 
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Depoot mogs to oblivion. would rather look like him too, i dont want people to assume im a fagt.
 
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Girls think de poot is more attractive sexually.

I think gosha is very pretty and should mog de poot but girls don't think that way.

Girls will fuck de poot and when he cheats on her she will cuddle with gosha and cry with him
 
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CAGING AT THESE MASC COPERS CHOSING AUTIST DE POOTOTOTO
AHAHAH
 
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Depoot mogs to oblivion. would rather look like him too, i dont want people to assume im a fagt.

Magical thinking​

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia



Jump to navigationJump to search
For other uses, see Magical thinking (disambiguation).
Magical thinking, or superstitious thinking,[1] is the belief that unrelated events are causally connected despite the absence of any plausible causal link between them, particularly as a result of supernatural effects.[1][2][3] Examples include the idea that personal thoughts can influence the external world without acting on them, or that objects must be causally connected if they resemble each other or came in contact with each other in the past.[1][2][4] Magical thinking is a type of fallacious thinking and is a common source of invalid causal inferences.[3][5] Unlike the confusion of correlation with causation, magical thinking does not require the events to be correlated.[3]
The precise definition of magical thinking may vary subtly when used by different theorists or among different fields of study. In anthropology (the earliest research), the posited causality is between religious ritual, prayer, sacrifice, or the observance of a taboo, and an expected benefit or recompense. Later research indicates that magical thinking is also common in modern societies.
In psychology, magical thinking is the belief that one's thoughts by themselves can bring about effects in the world or that thinking something corresponds with doing it.[6] These beliefs can cause a person to experience an irrational fear of performing certain acts or having certain thoughts because of an assumed correlation between doing so and threatening calamities.[1]
In psychiatry, magical thinking is a disorder of thought content;[7] here it denotes the false belief that one's thoughts, actions, or words will cause or prevent a specific consequence in some way that defies or circumvents commonly understood laws of causality.[8]

Contents​

Anthropology[edit]​

In religion, folk religion, and superstitious beliefs, the posited causality is between religious ritual, prayer, meditation, trances, sacrifice, incantation, curses, benediction, faith healing, or the observance of a taboo, and an expected benefit or recompense. The use of a lucky charm or ritual, for example, is assumed to increase the probability that one will perform at a level so that one can achieve a desired goal or outcome.[9]
Researchers have identified two possible principles as the formal causes of the attribution of false causal relationships:
Prominent Victorian theorists identified associative thinking (a common feature of practitioners of magic) as a characteristic form of irrationality. As with all forms of magical thinking, association-based and similarities-based notions of causality are not always said to be the practice of magic by a magician. For example, the doctrine of signatures held that similarities between plant parts and body parts indicated their efficacy in treating diseases of those body parts, and was a part of Western medicine during the Middle Ages. This association-based thinking is a vivid example of the general human application of the representativeness heuristic.[10]
Edward Burnett Tylor coined the term "associative thinking",[11] characterizing it as pre-logical,[citation needed] in which the "magician's folly" is in mistaking an imagined connection with a real one. The magician believes that thematically linked items can influence one another by virtue of their similarity.[12] For example, in E. E. Evans-Pritchard's account, members of the Azande tribe[13] believe that rubbing crocodile teeth on banana plants can invoke a fruitful crop. Because crocodile teeth are curved (like bananas) and grow back if they fall out, the Azande observe this similarity and want to impart this capacity of regeneration to their bananas. To them, the rubbing constitutes a means of transference.
Sir James Frazer (1854-1941) elaborated upon Tylor's principle by dividing magic into the categories of sympathetic and contagious magic. The latter is based upon the law of contagion or contact, in which two things that were once connected retain this link and have the ability to affect their supposedly related objects, such as harming a person by harming a lock of his hair. Sympathetic magic and homeopathy operate upon the premise that "like affects like", or that one can impart characteristics of one object to a similar object. Frazer believed that some individuals think the entire world functions according to these mimetic, or homeopathic, principles.[14]
In How Natives Think (1925), Lucien Lévy-Bruhl describes a similar notion of mystical, "collective representations". He too sees magical thinking as fundamentally different from a Western style of thought. He asserts that in these representations, "primitive" people's "mental activity is too little differentiated for it to be possible to consider ideas or images of objects by themselves apart from the emotions and passions which evoke those ideas or are evoked by them".[15] Lévy-Bruhl explains that the indigenous people commit the post hoc, ergo propter hoc fallacy, in which people observe that x is followed by y, and conclude that x has caused y.[16] He believes that this fallacy is institutionalized in native culture and is committed regularly and repeatedly.
Despite the view that magic is less than rational and entails an inferior concept of causality, in The Savage Mind (1966), Claude Lévi-Strauss suggested that magical procedures are relatively effective in exerting control over the environment. This outlook has generated alternative theories of magical thinking, such as the symbolic and psychological approaches, and softened the contrast between "educated" and "primitive" thinking: "Magical thinking is no less characteristic of our own mundane intellectual activity than it is of Zande curing practices."[17][n 1]

Types[edit]​

Direct effect[edit]​

Bronisław Malinowski's Magic, Science and Religion (1954) discusses another type of magical thinking, in which words and sounds are thought to have the ability to directly affect the world.[18] This type of wish fulfillment thinking can result in the avoidance of talking about certain subjects ("speak of the devil and he'll appear"), the use of euphemisms instead of certain words, or the belief that to know the "true name" of something gives one power over it, or that certain chants, prayers, or mystical phrases will bring about physical changes in the world. More generally, it is magical thinking to take a symbol to be its referent or an analogy to represent an identity.
Sigmund Freud believed that magical thinking was produced by cognitive developmental factors. He described practitioners of magic as projecting their mental states onto the world around them, similar to a common phase in child development.[19] From toddlerhood to early school age, children will often link the outside world with their internal consciousness, e.g. "It is raining because I am sad."

Symbolic approaches[edit]​

Another theory of magical thinking is the symbolic approach. Leading thinkers of this category, including Stanley J. Tambiah, believe that magic is meant to be expressive, rather than instrumental. As opposed to the direct, mimetic thinking of Frazer, Tambiah asserts that magic utilizes abstract analogies to express a desired state, along the lines of metonymy or metaphor.[20]
An important question raised by this interpretation is how mere symbols could exert material effects. One possible answer lies in John L. Austin's concept of "performativity", in which the act of saying something makes it true, such as in an inaugural or marital rite.[21] Other theories propose that magic is effective because symbols are able to affect internal psycho-physical states. They claim that the act of expressing a certain anxiety or desire can be reparative in itself.[22]

Causes[edit]​


A healing ritual (the laying on of hands)
According to theories of anxiety relief and control, people turn to magical beliefs when there exists a sense of uncertainty and potential danger, and with little access to logical or scientific responses to such danger. Magic is used to restore a sense of control over circumstance. In support of this theory, research indicates that superstitious behavior is invoked more often in high stress situations, especially by people with a greater desire for control.[23][24]
Another potential reason for the persistence of magic rituals is that the rituals prompt their own use by creating a feeling of insecurity and then proposing themselves as precautions.[25] Boyer and Liénard propose that in obsessive-compulsive rituals — a possible clinical model for certain forms of magical thinking — focus shifts to the lowest level of gestures, resulting in goal demotion. For example, an obsessive-compulsive cleaning ritual may overemphasize the order, direction, and number of wipes used to clean the surface. The goal becomes less important than the actions used to achieve the goal, with the implication that magic rituals can persist without efficacy because the intent is lost within the act.[25] Alternatively, some cases of harmless "rituals" may have positive effects in bolstering intent, as may be the case with certain pre-game exercises in sports.[26]
Some scholars believe that magic is effective psychologically. They cite the placebo effect and psychosomatic disease as prime examples of how our mental functions exert power over our bodies.[27] Similarly, Robin Horton suggests that engaging in magical practices surrounding healing can relieve anxiety, which could have a significant positive physical effect. In the absence of advanced health care, such effects would play a relatively major role, thereby helping to explain the persistence and popularity of such practices.[28][29]

Phenomenological approach[edit]​

Ariel Glucklich tries to understand magic from a subjective perspective, attempting to comprehend magic on a phenomenological, experientially based level. Glucklich seeks to describe the attitude that magical practitioners feel what he calls "magical consciousness" or the "magical experience". He explains that it is based upon "the awareness of the interrelatedness of all things in the world by means of simple but refined sense perception."[30]
Another phenomenological model is that of Gilbert Lewis, who argues that "habit is unthinking". He believes that those practicing magic do not think of an explanatory theory behind their actions any more than the average person tries to grasp the pharmaceutical workings of aspirin.[31] When the average person takes an aspirin, he does not know how the medicine chemically functions. He takes the pill with the premise that there is proof of efficacy. Similarly, many who avail themselves of magic do so without feeling the need to understand a causal theory behind it.

Cultural differences[edit]​

Robin Horton maintains that the difference between the thinking of Western and of non-Western peoples is predominantly "idiomatic". He says that the members of both cultures use the same practical common-sense, and that both science and magic are ways beyond basic logic by which people formulate theories to explain whatever occurs. However, non-Western cultures use the idiom of magic and have community spiritual figures, and therefore non-Westerners turn to magical practices or to a specialist in that idiom. Horton sees the same logic and common-sense in all cultures, but notes that their contrasting ontological idioms lead to cultural practices which seem illogical to observers whose own culture has correspondingly contrasting norms. He explains, "[T]he layman's grounds for accepting the models propounded by the scientist are often no different from the young African villager's ground for accepting the models propounded by one of his elders."[32] Along similar lines, Michael F. Brown argues that the Aguaruna of Peru see magic as a type of technology, no more supernatural than their physical tools. Brown says that the Aguaruna utilize magic in an empirical manner; for example, they discard any magical stones which they have found to be ineffective. To Brown—as to Horton—magical and scientific thinking differ merely in idiom.[33] These theories blur the boundaries between magic, science, and religion, and focus on the similarities in magical, technical, and spiritual practices. Brown even ironically writes that he is tempted to disclaim the existence of 'magic.'[34]
One theory of substantive difference is that of the open versus closed society. Horton describes this as one of the key dissimilarities between traditional thought and Western science. He suggests that the scientific worldview is distinguished from a magical one by the scientific method and by skepticism, requiring the falsifiability of any scientific hypothesis. He notes that for native peoples "there is no developed awareness of alternatives to the established body of theoretical texts."[35] He notes that all further differences between traditional and Western thought can be understood as a result of this factor. He says that because there are no alternatives in societies based on magical thought, a theory does not need to be objectively judged to be valid.

In children[edit]​

According to Jean Piaget's Theory of Cognitive Development,[36] magical thinking is most prominent in children between ages 2 and 7. Due to examinations of grieving children, it is said that during this age, children strongly believe that their personal thoughts have a direct effect on the rest of the world. It is posited that their minds will create a reason to feel responsible if they experience something tragic that they do not understand, e.g. a death. Jean Piaget, a developmental psychologist, came up with a theory of four developmental stages. Children between ages 2 and 7 would be classified under his preoperational stage of development. During this stage children are still developing their use of logical thinking. A child's thinking is dominated by perceptions of physical features, meaning that if the child is told that a family pet has "gone away" when it has in fact died, then the child will have difficulty comprehending the transformation of the dog not being around anymore. Magical thinking would be evident here, since the child may believe that the family pet being gone is just temporary. Their young minds in this stage do not understand the finality of death and magical thinking may bridge the gap.

Grief[edit]​

It was discovered that children often feel that they are responsible for an event or events occurring or are capable of reversing an event simply by thinking about it and wishing for a change: namely, "magical thinking".[37] Make-believe and fantasy are an integral part of life at this age and are often used to explain the inexplicable.[38][39]
According to Piaget, children within this age group are often "egocentric", believing that what they feel and experience is the same as everyone else's feelings and experiences.[40] Also at this age, there is often a lack of ability to understand that there may be other explanations for events outside of the realm of things they have already comprehended. What happens outside their understanding needs to be explained using what they already know, because of an inability to fully comprehend abstract concepts.[40]
Magical thinking is found particularly in children's explanations of experiences about death, whether the death of a family member or pet, or their own illness or impending death. These experiences are often new for a young child, who at that point has no experience to give understanding of the ramifications of the event.[41] A child may feel that they are responsible for what has happened, simply because they were upset with the person who died, or perhaps played with the pet too roughly. There may also be the idea that if the child wishes it hard enough, or performs just the right act, the person or pet may choose to come back, and not be dead any longer.[42] When considering their own illness or impending death, some children may feel that they are being punished for doing something wrong, or not doing something they should have, and therefore have become ill.[43] If a child's ideas about an event are incorrect because of their magical thinking, there is a possibility that the conclusions the child makes could result in long-term beliefs and behaviours that create difficulty for the child as they mature.[44]

Related terms[edit]​

  • "Quasi-magical thinking" describes "cases in which people act as if they erroneously believe that their action influences the outcome, even though they do not really hold that belief".[45] People may realize that a superstitious intuition is logically false, but act as if it were true because they do not exert an effort to correct the intuition.[46]

See also[edit]​

Notes[edit]​

  1. ^ The Azande practice of curing epilepsy by eating the burnt skull of a red bush monkey, based on the apparent similarity of epileptic movements and those of the monkeys, was discussed in Evans-Pritchard 1937, p. 487.

References[edit]​

  1. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Logically Fallacious. "Magical Thinking". Retrieved 20 May 2020.
  2. ^ Jump up to:a b Carroll RT (12 Sep 2014). "Magical thinking". The Skeptic's Dictionary. Retrieved 20 May 2020.
  3. ^ Jump up to:a b c Robert J. Sternberg; Henry L. Roediger III; Diane F. Halpern (2007). Critical Thinking in Psychology. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-60834-3.
  4. ^ Vamos, Marina (2010). "Organ transplantation and magical thinking". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry. 44 (10): 883–887. doi:10.3109/00048674.2010.498786. ISSN 0004-8674. PMID 20932201. S2CID 25440192.
  5. ^ Carhart-Harris, R. (2013). "Psychedelic drugs, magical thinking and psychosis". Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery & Psychiatry. 84 (9): e1. doi:10.1136/jnnp-2013-306103.17. ISSN 0022-3050.
  6. ^ Colman, Andrew M. (2012). A Dictionary of Psychology (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press.
  7. ^ Sadock, B. J.; Sadock, V. A.; Ruiz, P. (2017). Kaplan and Sadock's Comprehensive Textbook of Psychiatry (10th ed.). Wolters Kluwer. ISBN 978-1-4511-0047-1.
  8. ^ American Psychiatric Association (2013). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5). Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing. pp. 655, 824. doi:10.1176/appi.books.9780890425596. ISBN 978-0-89042-554-1.
  9. ^ Hamerman, Eric J.; Morewedge, Carey K. (2015-03-01). "Reliance on luck identifying which achievement goals elicit superstitious behavior". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 41 (3): 323–335. doi:10.1177/0146167214565055. PMID 25617118. S2CID 1160061.
  10. ^ Nisbett, D.; Ross, L. (1980). Human Inference: Strategies and Shortcomings of Social Judgment. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. pp. 115–8.
  11. ^ Glucklich, Ariel (1997). The End of Magic. Oxford University Press. pp. 32–3.
  12. ^ Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1977). Theories of Primitive Religion. Oxford University Press. pp. 26–7.
  13. ^ Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1937). Witchcraft, Magic, and Oracles Among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
  14. ^ Frazer, James (1915) [1911]. The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (3rd ed.). London: Macmillan.
  15. ^ Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien (1925). How Natives Think. Knopf. p. 36.
  16. ^ Lévy-Bruhl 1925, p. 76
  17. ^ Shweder, Richard A. (1977). "Likeness and likelihood in everyday thought: Magical thinking in judgments about personality". Current Anthropology. 18 (4): 637–58 (637). doi:10.1086/201974. JSTOR 2741505. S2CID 29780746.
  18. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 59–61, 205–12
  19. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 53–5
  20. ^ Brown, Michael F. (1993). Thinking About Magic. Greenwood Press. pp. 5–7.
  21. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 60–2
  22. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 49–53
  23. ^ Keinan, Giora (2002). "The effects of stress and desire for control on superstitious behavior". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 28 (1): 102–108. doi:10.1177/0146167202281009. S2CID 145223253.
  24. ^ Keinan, Giora (1994). "The effects of stress and tolerance of ambiguity on magical thinking". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 67 (1): 48–55. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.67.1.48.
  25. ^ Jump up to:a b Boyer, Pascal; Liénard, Pierre (2008). "Ritual behavior in obsessive and normal individuals". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 17 (4): 291–94. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.503.1537. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00592.x. S2CID 145218875.
  26. ^ "Why Rituals Work". Scientific American. Retrieved 2015-12-17.
  27. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 50–68
  28. ^ Horton, Robin (1967). "African traditional thought and western science: Part I. From tradition to science". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 37 (1): 50–71. doi:10.2307/1157195. JSTOR 1157195.
  29. ^ Horton, Robin (1967). "African traditional thought and western science: Part II. The 'closed' and 'open' predicaments". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 37 (2): 155–87. doi:10.2307/1158253. JSTOR 1158253.
  30. ^ Glucklich 1997, p. 12
  31. ^ Lewis, Gilbert. The Look of Magic. University of Cambridge.
  32. ^ Horton 1967b, p. 171
  33. ^ Brown, Michael F. (1986). Tsewa's Gift: Magic and Meaning in an Amazonian Society. University of Alabama Press.
  34. ^ Brown 1993, p. 2
  35. ^ Horton 1967b, p. 155
  36. ^ Piaget, Jean (1929). The child's conception of the world. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
  37. ^ Nielson, D. (2012). "Discussing death with pediatric patients: Implications for nurses". Journal of Pediatric Nursing. 27 (5): e59–e64. doi:10.1016/j.pedn.2011.11.006. PMID 22198004.
  38. ^ Samide, L.; Stockton, R. (2002). "Letting go of grief: Bereavement groups for children in the school setting". Journal for Specialists in Group Work. 27 (2): 192–204. doi:10.1177/0193392202027002006.
  39. ^ Webb, N. (2010). "The child and death". In Webb, N.B. (ed.). Helping Bereaved Children: A Handbook for Practitioners. New York: Guildford. pp. 5–6.
  40. ^ Jump up to:a b Biank, N.; Werner-Lin, A. (2011). "Growing up with grief: Revisiting the death of a parent over the life course". Omega. 63 (3): 271–290. doi:10.2190/om.63.3.e. PMID 21928600. S2CID 37763796.
  41. ^ Webb 2010, p. 51
  42. ^ Schoen, A.; Burgoyen, M.; Schoen, S. (2004). "Are the developmental needs of children in America adequately addressed during the grief process?". Journal of Instructional Psychology. 31: 143–8. EBSCOhost 13719052[dead link].
  43. ^ Schonfeld, D. (1993). "Talking with children about death". Journal of Pediatric Health Care. 7 (6): 269–74. doi:10.1016/s0891-5245(06)80008-8. PMID 8106926.
  44. ^ Sossin, K.; Cohen, P. (2011). "Children's play in the wake of loss and trauma". Journal of Infant, Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy. 10 (2–3): 255–72. doi:10.1080/15289168.2011.600137. S2CID 146429165.
  45. ^ Shafir, E.; Tversky, A. (1992). "Thinking through uncertainty: Nonconsequential reasoning and choice". Cognitive Psychology. 24 (4): 449–74. doi:10.1016/0010-0285(92)90015-T. PMID 1473331. S2CID 29570235.
  46. ^ Risen, Jane L. (2016). "Believing what we do not believe: Acquiescence to superstitious beliefs and other powerful intuitions". Psychological Review. 123 (2): 182–207. doi:10.1037/rev0000017. PMID 26479707.

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Magical thinking​

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia



Jump to navigationJump to search
For other uses, see Magical thinking (disambiguation).
Magical thinking, or superstitious thinking,[1] is the belief that unrelated events are causally connected despite the absence of any plausible causal link between them, particularly as a result of supernatural effects.[1][2][3] Examples include the idea that personal thoughts can influence the external world without acting on them, or that objects must be causally connected if they resemble each other or came in contact with each other in the past.[1][2][4] Magical thinking is a type of fallacious thinking and is a common source of invalid causal inferences.[3][5] Unlike the confusion of correlation with causation, magical thinking does not require the events to be correlated.[3]
The precise definition of magical thinking may vary subtly when used by different theorists or among different fields of study. In anthropology (the earliest research), the posited causality is between religious ritual, prayer, sacrifice, or the observance of a taboo, and an expected benefit or recompense. Later research indicates that magical thinking is also common in modern societies.
In psychology, magical thinking is the belief that one's thoughts by themselves can bring about effects in the world or that thinking something corresponds with doing it.[6] These beliefs can cause a person to experience an irrational fear of performing certain acts or having certain thoughts because of an assumed correlation between doing so and threatening calamities.[1]
In psychiatry, magical thinking is a disorder of thought content;[7] here it denotes the false belief that one's thoughts, actions, or words will cause or prevent a specific consequence in some way that defies or circumvents commonly understood laws of causality.[8]

Contents​

Anthropology[edit]​

In religion, folk religion, and superstitious beliefs, the posited causality is between religious ritual, prayer, meditation, trances, sacrifice, incantation, curses, benediction, faith healing, or the observance of a taboo, and an expected benefit or recompense. The use of a lucky charm or ritual, for example, is assumed to increase the probability that one will perform at a level so that one can achieve a desired goal or outcome.[9]
Researchers have identified two possible principles as the formal causes of the attribution of false causal relationships:
Prominent Victorian theorists identified associative thinking (a common feature of practitioners of magic) as a characteristic form of irrationality. As with all forms of magical thinking, association-based and similarities-based notions of causality are not always said to be the practice of magic by a magician. For example, the doctrine of signatures held that similarities between plant parts and body parts indicated their efficacy in treating diseases of those body parts, and was a part of Western medicine during the Middle Ages. This association-based thinking is a vivid example of the general human application of the representativeness heuristic.[10]
Edward Burnett Tylor coined the term "associative thinking",[11] characterizing it as pre-logical,[citation needed] in which the "magician's folly" is in mistaking an imagined connection with a real one. The magician believes that thematically linked items can influence one another by virtue of their similarity.[12] For example, in E. E. Evans-Pritchard's account, members of the Azande tribe[13] believe that rubbing crocodile teeth on banana plants can invoke a fruitful crop. Because crocodile teeth are curved (like bananas) and grow back if they fall out, the Azande observe this similarity and want to impart this capacity of regeneration to their bananas. To them, the rubbing constitutes a means of transference.
Sir James Frazer (1854-1941) elaborated upon Tylor's principle by dividing magic into the categories of sympathetic and contagious magic. The latter is based upon the law of contagion or contact, in which two things that were once connected retain this link and have the ability to affect their supposedly related objects, such as harming a person by harming a lock of his hair. Sympathetic magic and homeopathy operate upon the premise that "like affects like", or that one can impart characteristics of one object to a similar object. Frazer believed that some individuals think the entire world functions according to these mimetic, or homeopathic, principles.[14]
In How Natives Think (1925), Lucien Lévy-Bruhl describes a similar notion of mystical, "collective representations". He too sees magical thinking as fundamentally different from a Western style of thought. He asserts that in these representations, "primitive" people's "mental activity is too little differentiated for it to be possible to consider ideas or images of objects by themselves apart from the emotions and passions which evoke those ideas or are evoked by them".[15] Lévy-Bruhl explains that the indigenous people commit the post hoc, ergo propter hoc fallacy, in which people observe that x is followed by y, and conclude that x has caused y.[16] He believes that this fallacy is institutionalized in native culture and is committed regularly and repeatedly.
Despite the view that magic is less than rational and entails an inferior concept of causality, in The Savage Mind (1966), Claude Lévi-Strauss suggested that magical procedures are relatively effective in exerting control over the environment. This outlook has generated alternative theories of magical thinking, such as the symbolic and psychological approaches, and softened the contrast between "educated" and "primitive" thinking: "Magical thinking is no less characteristic of our own mundane intellectual activity than it is of Zande curing practices."[17][n 1]

Types[edit]​

Direct effect[edit]​

Bronisław Malinowski's Magic, Science and Religion (1954) discusses another type of magical thinking, in which words and sounds are thought to have the ability to directly affect the world.[18] This type of wish fulfillment thinking can result in the avoidance of talking about certain subjects ("speak of the devil and he'll appear"), the use of euphemisms instead of certain words, or the belief that to know the "true name" of something gives one power over it, or that certain chants, prayers, or mystical phrases will bring about physical changes in the world. More generally, it is magical thinking to take a symbol to be its referent or an analogy to represent an identity.
Sigmund Freud believed that magical thinking was produced by cognitive developmental factors. He described practitioners of magic as projecting their mental states onto the world around them, similar to a common phase in child development.[19] From toddlerhood to early school age, children will often link the outside world with their internal consciousness, e.g. "It is raining because I am sad."

Symbolic approaches[edit]​

Another theory of magical thinking is the symbolic approach. Leading thinkers of this category, including Stanley J. Tambiah, believe that magic is meant to be expressive, rather than instrumental. As opposed to the direct, mimetic thinking of Frazer, Tambiah asserts that magic utilizes abstract analogies to express a desired state, along the lines of metonymy or metaphor.[20]
An important question raised by this interpretation is how mere symbols could exert material effects. One possible answer lies in John L. Austin's concept of "performativity", in which the act of saying something makes it true, such as in an inaugural or marital rite.[21] Other theories propose that magic is effective because symbols are able to affect internal psycho-physical states. They claim that the act of expressing a certain anxiety or desire can be reparative in itself.[22]

Causes[edit]​


A healing ritual (the laying on of hands)
According to theories of anxiety relief and control, people turn to magical beliefs when there exists a sense of uncertainty and potential danger, and with little access to logical or scientific responses to such danger. Magic is used to restore a sense of control over circumstance. In support of this theory, research indicates that superstitious behavior is invoked more often in high stress situations, especially by people with a greater desire for control.[23][24]
Another potential reason for the persistence of magic rituals is that the rituals prompt their own use by creating a feeling of insecurity and then proposing themselves as precautions.[25] Boyer and Liénard propose that in obsessive-compulsive rituals — a possible clinical model for certain forms of magical thinking — focus shifts to the lowest level of gestures, resulting in goal demotion. For example, an obsessive-compulsive cleaning ritual may overemphasize the order, direction, and number of wipes used to clean the surface. The goal becomes less important than the actions used to achieve the goal, with the implication that magic rituals can persist without efficacy because the intent is lost within the act.[25] Alternatively, some cases of harmless "rituals" may have positive effects in bolstering intent, as may be the case with certain pre-game exercises in sports.[26]
Some scholars believe that magic is effective psychologically. They cite the placebo effect and psychosomatic disease as prime examples of how our mental functions exert power over our bodies.[27] Similarly, Robin Horton suggests that engaging in magical practices surrounding healing can relieve anxiety, which could have a significant positive physical effect. In the absence of advanced health care, such effects would play a relatively major role, thereby helping to explain the persistence and popularity of such practices.[28][29]

Phenomenological approach[edit]​

Ariel Glucklich tries to understand magic from a subjective perspective, attempting to comprehend magic on a phenomenological, experientially based level. Glucklich seeks to describe the attitude that magical practitioners feel what he calls "magical consciousness" or the "magical experience". He explains that it is based upon "the awareness of the interrelatedness of all things in the world by means of simple but refined sense perception."[30]
Another phenomenological model is that of Gilbert Lewis, who argues that "habit is unthinking". He believes that those practicing magic do not think of an explanatory theory behind their actions any more than the average person tries to grasp the pharmaceutical workings of aspirin.[31] When the average person takes an aspirin, he does not know how the medicine chemically functions. He takes the pill with the premise that there is proof of efficacy. Similarly, many who avail themselves of magic do so without feeling the need to understand a causal theory behind it.

Cultural differences[edit]​

Robin Horton maintains that the difference between the thinking of Western and of non-Western peoples is predominantly "idiomatic". He says that the members of both cultures use the same practical common-sense, and that both science and magic are ways beyond basic logic by which people formulate theories to explain whatever occurs. However, non-Western cultures use the idiom of magic and have community spiritual figures, and therefore non-Westerners turn to magical practices or to a specialist in that idiom. Horton sees the same logic and common-sense in all cultures, but notes that their contrasting ontological idioms lead to cultural practices which seem illogical to observers whose own culture has correspondingly contrasting norms. He explains, "[T]he layman's grounds for accepting the models propounded by the scientist are often no different from the young African villager's ground for accepting the models propounded by one of his elders."[32] Along similar lines, Michael F. Brown argues that the Aguaruna of Peru see magic as a type of technology, no more supernatural than their physical tools. Brown says that the Aguaruna utilize magic in an empirical manner; for example, they discard any magical stones which they have found to be ineffective. To Brown—as to Horton—magical and scientific thinking differ merely in idiom.[33] These theories blur the boundaries between magic, science, and religion, and focus on the similarities in magical, technical, and spiritual practices. Brown even ironically writes that he is tempted to disclaim the existence of 'magic.'[34]
One theory of substantive difference is that of the open versus closed society. Horton describes this as one of the key dissimilarities between traditional thought and Western science. He suggests that the scientific worldview is distinguished from a magical one by the scientific method and by skepticism, requiring the falsifiability of any scientific hypothesis. He notes that for native peoples "there is no developed awareness of alternatives to the established body of theoretical texts."[35] He notes that all further differences between traditional and Western thought can be understood as a result of this factor. He says that because there are no alternatives in societies based on magical thought, a theory does not need to be objectively judged to be valid.

In children[edit]​

According to Jean Piaget's Theory of Cognitive Development,[36] magical thinking is most prominent in children between ages 2 and 7. Due to examinations of grieving children, it is said that during this age, children strongly believe that their personal thoughts have a direct effect on the rest of the world. It is posited that their minds will create a reason to feel responsible if they experience something tragic that they do not understand, e.g. a death. Jean Piaget, a developmental psychologist, came up with a theory of four developmental stages. Children between ages 2 and 7 would be classified under his preoperational stage of development. During this stage children are still developing their use of logical thinking. A child's thinking is dominated by perceptions of physical features, meaning that if the child is told that a family pet has "gone away" when it has in fact died, then the child will have difficulty comprehending the transformation of the dog not being around anymore. Magical thinking would be evident here, since the child may believe that the family pet being gone is just temporary. Their young minds in this stage do not understand the finality of death and magical thinking may bridge the gap.

Grief[edit]​

It was discovered that children often feel that they are responsible for an event or events occurring or are capable of reversing an event simply by thinking about it and wishing for a change: namely, "magical thinking".[37] Make-believe and fantasy are an integral part of life at this age and are often used to explain the inexplicable.[38][39]
According to Piaget, children within this age group are often "egocentric", believing that what they feel and experience is the same as everyone else's feelings and experiences.[40] Also at this age, there is often a lack of ability to understand that there may be other explanations for events outside of the realm of things they have already comprehended. What happens outside their understanding needs to be explained using what they already know, because of an inability to fully comprehend abstract concepts.[40]
Magical thinking is found particularly in children's explanations of experiences about death, whether the death of a family member or pet, or their own illness or impending death. These experiences are often new for a young child, who at that point has no experience to give understanding of the ramifications of the event.[41] A child may feel that they are responsible for what has happened, simply because they were upset with the person who died, or perhaps played with the pet too roughly. There may also be the idea that if the child wishes it hard enough, or performs just the right act, the person or pet may choose to come back, and not be dead any longer.[42] When considering their own illness or impending death, some children may feel that they are being punished for doing something wrong, or not doing something they should have, and therefore have become ill.[43] If a child's ideas about an event are incorrect because of their magical thinking, there is a possibility that the conclusions the child makes could result in long-term beliefs and behaviours that create difficulty for the child as they mature.[44]

Related terms[edit]​

  • "Quasi-magical thinking" describes "cases in which people act as if they erroneously believe that their action influences the outcome, even though they do not really hold that belief".[45] People may realize that a superstitious intuition is logically false, but act as if it were true because they do not exert an effort to correct the intuition.[46]

See also[edit]​

Notes[edit]​

  1. ^ The Azande practice of curing epilepsy by eating the burnt skull of a red bush monkey, based on the apparent similarity of epileptic movements and those of the monkeys, was discussed in Evans-Pritchard 1937, p. 487.

References[edit]​

  1. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Logically Fallacious. "Magical Thinking". Retrieved 20 May 2020.
  2. ^ Jump up to:a b Carroll RT (12 Sep 2014). "Magical thinking". The Skeptic's Dictionary. Retrieved 20 May 2020.
  3. ^ Jump up to:a b c Robert J. Sternberg; Henry L. Roediger III; Diane F. Halpern (2007). Critical Thinking in Psychology. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-60834-3.
  4. ^ Vamos, Marina (2010). "Organ transplantation and magical thinking". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry. 44 (10): 883–887. doi:10.3109/00048674.2010.498786. ISSN 0004-8674. PMID 20932201. S2CID 25440192.
  5. ^ Carhart-Harris, R. (2013). "Psychedelic drugs, magical thinking and psychosis". Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery & Psychiatry. 84 (9): e1. doi:10.1136/jnnp-2013-306103.17. ISSN 0022-3050.
  6. ^ Colman, Andrew M. (2012). A Dictionary of Psychology (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press.
  7. ^ Sadock, B. J.; Sadock, V. A.; Ruiz, P. (2017). Kaplan and Sadock's Comprehensive Textbook of Psychiatry (10th ed.). Wolters Kluwer. ISBN 978-1-4511-0047-1.
  8. ^ American Psychiatric Association (2013). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5). Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing. pp. 655, 824. doi:10.1176/appi.books.9780890425596. ISBN 978-0-89042-554-1.
  9. ^ Hamerman, Eric J.; Morewedge, Carey K. (2015-03-01). "Reliance on luck identifying which achievement goals elicit superstitious behavior". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 41 (3): 323–335. doi:10.1177/0146167214565055. PMID 25617118. S2CID 1160061.
  10. ^ Nisbett, D.; Ross, L. (1980). Human Inference: Strategies and Shortcomings of Social Judgment. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. pp. 115–8.
  11. ^ Glucklich, Ariel (1997). The End of Magic. Oxford University Press. pp. 32–3.
  12. ^ Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1977). Theories of Primitive Religion. Oxford University Press. pp. 26–7.
  13. ^ Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1937). Witchcraft, Magic, and Oracles Among the Azande. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
  14. ^ Frazer, James (1915) [1911]. The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (3rd ed.). London: Macmillan.
  15. ^ Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien (1925). How Natives Think. Knopf. p. 36.
  16. ^ Lévy-Bruhl 1925, p. 76
  17. ^ Shweder, Richard A. (1977). "Likeness and likelihood in everyday thought: Magical thinking in judgments about personality". Current Anthropology. 18 (4): 637–58 (637). doi:10.1086/201974. JSTOR 2741505. S2CID 29780746.
  18. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 59–61, 205–12
  19. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 53–5
  20. ^ Brown, Michael F. (1993). Thinking About Magic. Greenwood Press. pp. 5–7.
  21. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 60–2
  22. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 49–53
  23. ^ Keinan, Giora (2002). "The effects of stress and desire for control on superstitious behavior". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 28 (1): 102–108. doi:10.1177/0146167202281009. S2CID 145223253.
  24. ^ Keinan, Giora (1994). "The effects of stress and tolerance of ambiguity on magical thinking". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 67 (1): 48–55. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.67.1.48.
  25. ^ Jump up to:a b Boyer, Pascal; Liénard, Pierre (2008). "Ritual behavior in obsessive and normal individuals". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 17 (4): 291–94. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.503.1537. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00592.x. S2CID 145218875.
  26. ^ "Why Rituals Work". Scientific American. Retrieved 2015-12-17.
  27. ^ Glucklich 1997, pp. 50–68
  28. ^ Horton, Robin (1967). "African traditional thought and western science: Part I. From tradition to science". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 37 (1): 50–71. doi:10.2307/1157195. JSTOR 1157195.
  29. ^ Horton, Robin (1967). "African traditional thought and western science: Part II. The 'closed' and 'open' predicaments". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 37 (2): 155–87. doi:10.2307/1158253. JSTOR 1158253.
  30. ^ Glucklich 1997, p. 12
  31. ^ Lewis, Gilbert. The Look of Magic. University of Cambridge.
  32. ^ Horton 1967b, p. 171
  33. ^ Brown, Michael F. (1986). Tsewa's Gift: Magic and Meaning in an Amazonian Society. University of Alabama Press.
  34. ^ Brown 1993, p. 2
  35. ^ Horton 1967b, p. 155
  36. ^ Piaget, Jean (1929). The child's conception of the world. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
  37. ^ Nielson, D. (2012). "Discussing death with pediatric patients: Implications for nurses". Journal of Pediatric Nursing. 27 (5): e59–e64. doi:10.1016/j.pedn.2011.11.006. PMID 22198004.
  38. ^ Samide, L.; Stockton, R. (2002). "Letting go of grief: Bereavement groups for children in the school setting". Journal for Specialists in Group Work. 27 (2): 192–204. doi:10.1177/0193392202027002006.
  39. ^ Webb, N. (2010). "The child and death". In Webb, N.B. (ed.). Helping Bereaved Children: A Handbook for Practitioners. New York: Guildford. pp. 5–6.
  40. ^ Jump up to:a b Biank, N.; Werner-Lin, A. (2011). "Growing up with grief: Revisiting the death of a parent over the life course". Omega. 63 (3): 271–290. doi:10.2190/om.63.3.e. PMID 21928600. S2CID 37763796.
  41. ^ Webb 2010, p. 51
  42. ^ Schoen, A.; Burgoyen, M.; Schoen, S. (2004). "Are the developmental needs of children in America adequately addressed during the grief process?". Journal of Instructional Psychology. 31: 143–8. EBSCOhost 13719052[dead link].
  43. ^ Schonfeld, D. (1993). "Talking with children about death". Journal of Pediatric Health Care. 7 (6): 269–74. doi:10.1016/s0891-5245(06)80008-8. PMID 8106926.
  44. ^ Sossin, K.; Cohen, P. (2011). "Children's play in the wake of loss and trauma". Journal of Infant, Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy. 10 (2–3): 255–72. doi:10.1080/15289168.2011.600137. S2CID 146429165.
  45. ^ Shafir, E.; Tversky, A. (1992). "Thinking through uncertainty: Nonconsequential reasoning and choice". Cognitive Psychology. 24 (4): 449–74. doi:10.1016/0010-0285(92)90015-T. PMID 1473331. S2CID 29570235.
  46. ^ Risen, Jane L. (2016). "Believing what we do not believe: Acquiescence to superstitious beliefs and other powerful intuitions". Psychological Review. 123 (2): 182–207. doi:10.1037/rev0000017. PMID 26479707.

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Magical thinking​

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For other uses, see Magical thinking (disambiguation).
Magical thinking, or superstitious thinking,[1] is the belief that unrelated events are causally connected despite the absence of any plausible causal link between them, particularly as a result of supernatural effects.[1][2][3] Examples include the idea that personal thoughts can influence the external world without acting on them, or that objects must be causally connected if they resemble each other or came in contact with each other in the past.[1][2][4] Magical thinking is a type of fallacious thinking and is a common source of invalid causal inferences.[3][5] Unlike the confusion of correlation with causation, magical thinking does not require the events to be correlated.[3]
The precise definition of magical thinking may vary subtly when used by different theorists or among different fields of study. In anthropology (the earliest research), the posited causality is between religious ritual, prayer, sacrifice, or the observance of a taboo, and an expected benefit or recompense. Later research indicates that magical thinking is also common in modern societies.
In psychology, magical thinking is the belief that one's thoughts by themselves can bring about effects in the world or that thinking something corresponds with doing it.[6] These beliefs can cause a person to experience an irrational fear of performing certain acts or having certain thoughts because of an assumed correlation between doing so and threatening calamities.[1]
In psychiatry, magical thinking is a disorder of thought content;[7] here it denotes the false belief that one's thoughts, actions, or words will cause or prevent a specific consequence in some way that defies or circumvents commonly understood laws of causality.[8]

Contents​

Anthropology[edit]​

In religion, folk religion, and superstitious beliefs, the posited causality is between religious ritual, prayer, meditation, trances, sacrifice, incantation, curses, benediction, faith healing, or the observance of a taboo, and an expected benefit or recompense. The use of a lucky charm or ritual, for example, is assumed to increase the probability that one will perform at a level so that one can achieve a desired goal or outcome.[9]
Researchers have identified two possible principles as the formal causes of the attribution of false causal relationships:
Prominent Victorian theorists identified associative thinking (a common feature of practitioners of magic) as a characteristic form of irrationality. As with all forms of magical thinking, association-based and similarities-based notions of causality are not always said to be the practice of magic by a magician. For example, the doctrine of signatures held that similarities between plant parts and body parts indicated their efficacy in treating diseases of those body parts, and was a part of Western medicine during the Middle Ages. This association-based thinking is a vivid example of the general human application of the representativeness heuristic.[10]
Edward Burnett Tylor coined the term "associative thinking",[11] characterizing it as pre-logical,[citation needed] in which the "magician's folly" is in mistaking an imagined connection with a real one. The magician believes that thematically linked items can influence one another by virtue of their similarity.[12] For example, in E. E. Evans-Pritchard's account, members of the Azande tribe[13] believe that rubbing crocodile teeth on banana plants can invoke a fruitful crop. Because crocodile teeth are curved (like bananas) and grow back if they fall out, the Azande observe this similarity and want to impart this capacity of regeneration to their bananas. To them, the rubbing constitutes a means of transference.
Sir James Frazer (1854-1941) elaborated upon Tylor's principle by dividing magic into the categories of sympathetic and contagious magic. The latter is based upon the law of contagion or contact, in which two things that were once connected retain this link and have the ability to affect their supposedly related objects, such as harming a person by harming a lock of his hair. Sympathetic magic and homeopathy operate upon the premise that "like affects like", or that one can impart characteristics of one object to a similar object. Frazer believed that some individuals think the entire world functions according to these mimetic, or homeopathic, principles.[14]
In How Natives Think (1925), Lucien Lévy-Bruhl describes a similar notion of mystical, "collective representations". He too sees magical thinking as fundamentally different from a Western style of thought. He asserts that in these representations, "primitive" people's "mental activity is too little differentiated for it to be possible to consider ideas or images of objects by themselves apart from the emotions and passions which evoke those ideas or are evoked by them".[15] Lévy-Bruhl explains that the indigenous people commit the post hoc, ergo propter hoc fallacy, in which people observe that x is followed by y, and conclude that x has caused y.[16] He believes that this fallacy is institutionalized in native culture and is committed regularly and repeatedly.
Despite the view that magic is less than rational and entails an inferior concept of causality, in The Savage Mind (1966), Claude Lévi-Strauss suggested that magical procedures are relatively effective in exerting control over the environment. This outlook has generated alternative theories of magical thinking, such as the symbolic and psychological approaches, and softened the contrast between "educated" and "primitive" thinking: "Magical thinking is no less characteristic of our own mundane intellectual activity than it is of Zande curing practices."[17][n 1]

Types[edit]​

Direct effect[edit]​

Bronisław Malinowski's Magic, Science and Religion (1954) discusses another type of magical thinking, in which words and sounds are thought to have the ability to directly affect the world.[18] This type of wish fulfillment thinking can result in the avoidance of talking about certain subjects ("speak of the devil and he'll appear"), the use of euphemisms instead of certain words, or the belief that to know the "true name" of something gives one power over it, or that certain chants, prayers, or mystical phrases will bring about physical changes in the world. More generally, it is magical thinking to take a symbol to be its referent or an analogy to represent an identity.
Sigmund Freud believed that magical thinking was produced by cognitive developmental factors. He described practitioners of magic as projecting their mental states onto the world around them, similar to a common phase in child development.[19] From toddlerhood to early school age, children will often link the outside world with their internal consciousness, e.g. "It is raining because I am sad."

Symbolic approaches[edit]​

Another theory of magical thinking is the symbolic approach. Leading thinkers of this category, including Stanley J. Tambiah, believe that magic is meant to be expressive, rather than instrumental. As opposed to the direct, mimetic thinking of Frazer, Tambiah asserts that magic utilizes abstract analogies to express a desired state, along the lines of metonymy or metaphor.[20]
An important question raised by this interpretation is how mere symbols could exert material effects. One possible answer lies in John L. Austin's concept of "performativity", in which the act of saying something makes it true, such as in an inaugural or marital rite.[21] Other theories propose that magic is effective because symbols are able to affect internal psycho-physical states. They claim that the act of expressing a certain anxiety or desire can be reparative in itself.[22]

Causes[edit]​


A healing ritual (the laying on of hands)
According to theories of anxiety relief and control, people turn to magical beliefs when there exists a sense of uncertainty and potential danger, and with little access to logical or scientific responses to such danger. Magic is used to restore a sense of control over circumstance. In support of this theory, research indicates that superstitious behavior is invoked more often in high stress situations, especially by people with a greater desire for control.[23][24]
Another potential reason for the persistence of magic rituals is that the rituals prompt their own use by creating a feeling of insecurity and then proposing themselves as precautions.[25] Boyer and Liénard propose that in obsessive-compulsive rituals — a possible clinical model for certain forms of magical thinking — focus shifts to the lowest level of gestures, resulting in goal demotion. For example, an obsessive-compulsive cleaning ritual may overemphasize the order, direction, and number of wipes used to clean the surface. The goal becomes less important than the actions used to achieve the goal, with the implication that magic rituals can persist without efficacy because the intent is lost within the act.[25] Alternatively, some cases of harmless "rituals" may have positive effects in bolstering intent, as may be the case with certain pre-game exercises in sports.[26]
Some scholars believe that magic is effective psychologically. They cite the placebo effect and psychosomatic disease as prime examples of how our mental functions exert power over our bodies.[27] Similarly, Robin Horton suggests that engaging in magical practices surrounding healing can relieve anxiety, which could have a significant positive physical effect. In the absence of advanced health care, such effects would play a relatively major role, thereby helping to explain the persistence and popularity of such practices.[28][29]

Phenomenological approach[edit]​

Ariel Glucklich tries to understand magic from a subjective perspective, attempting to comprehend magic on a phenomenological, experientially based level. Glucklich seeks to describe the attitude that magical practitioners feel what he calls "magical consciousness" or the "magical experience". He explains that it is based upon "the awareness of the interrelatedness of all things in the world by means of simple but refined sense perception."[30]
Another phenomenological model is that of Gilbert Lewis, who argues that "habit is unthinking". He believes that those practicing magic do not think of an explanatory theory behind their actions any more than the average person tries to grasp the pharmaceutical workings of aspirin.[31] When the average person takes an aspirin, he does not know how the medicine chemically functions. He takes the pill with the premise that there is proof of efficacy. Similarly, many who avail themselves of magic do so without feeling the need to understand a causal theory behind it.

Cultural differences[edit]​

Robin Horton maintains that the difference between the thinking of Western and of non-Western peoples is predominantly "idiomatic". He says that the members of both cultures use the same practical common-sense, and that both science and magic are ways beyond basic logic by which people formulate theories to explain whatever occurs. However, non-Western cultures use the idiom of magic and have community spiritual figures, and therefore non-Westerners turn to magical practices or to a specialist in that idiom. Horton sees the same logic and common-sense in all cultures, but notes that their contrasting ontological idioms lead to cultural practices which seem illogical to observers whose own culture has correspondingly contrasting norms. He explains, "[T]he layman's grounds for accepting the models propounded by the scientist are often no different from the young African villager's ground for accepting the models propounded by one of his elders."[32] Along similar lines, Michael F. Brown argues that the Aguaruna of Peru see magic as a type of technology, no more supernatural than their physical tools. Brown says that the Aguaruna utilize magic in an empirical manner; for example, they discard any magical stones which they have found to be ineffective. To Brown—as to Horton—magical and scientific thinking differ merely in idiom.[33] These theories blur the boundaries between magic, science, and religion, and focus on the similarities in magical, technical, and spiritual practices. Brown even ironically writes that he is tempted to disclaim the existence of 'magic.'[34]
One theory of substantive difference is that of the open versus closed society. Horton describes this as one of the key dissimilarities between traditional thought and Western science. He suggests that the scientific worldview is distinguished from a magical one by the scientific method and by skepticism, requiring the falsifiability of any scientific hypothesis. He notes that for native peoples "there is no developed awareness of alternatives to the established body of theoretical texts."[35] He notes that all further differences between traditional and Western thought can be understood as a result of this factor. He says that because there are no alternatives in societies based on magical thought, a theory does not need to be objectively judged to be valid.

In children[edit]​

According to Jean Piaget's Theory of Cognitive Development,[36] magical thinking is most prominent in children between ages 2 and 7. Due to examinations of grieving children, it is said that during this age, children strongly believe that their personal thoughts have a direct effect on the rest of the world. It is posited that their minds will create a reason to feel responsible if they experience something tragic that they do not understand, e.g. a death. Jean Piaget, a developmental psychologist, came up with a theory of four developmental stages. Children between ages 2 and 7 would be classified under his preoperational stage of development. During this stage children are still developing their use of logical thinking. A child's thinking is dominated by perceptions of physical features, meaning that if the child is told that a family pet has "gone away" when it has in fact died, then the child will have difficulty comprehending the transformation of the dog not being around anymore. Magical thinking would be evident here, since the child may believe that the family pet being gone is just temporary. Their young minds in this stage do not understand the finality of death and magical thinking may bridge the gap.

Grief[edit]​

It was discovered that children often feel that they are responsible for an event or events occurring or are capable of reversing an event simply by thinking about it and wishing for a change: namely, "magical thinking".[37] Make-believe and fantasy are an integral part of life at this age and are often used to explain the inexplicable.[38][39]
According to Piaget, children within this age group are often "egocentric", believing that what they feel and experience is the same as everyone else's feelings and experiences.[40] Also at this age, there is often a lack of ability to understand that there may be other explanations for events outside of the realm of things they have already comprehended. What happens outside their understanding needs to be explained using what they already know, because of an inability to fully comprehend abstract concepts.[40]
Magical thinking is found particularly in children's explanations of experiences about death, whether the death of a family member or pet, or their own illness or impending death. These experiences are often new for a young child, who at that point has no experience to give understanding of the ramifications of the event.[41] A child may feel that they are responsible for what has happened, simply because they were upset with the person who died, or perhaps played with the pet too roughly. There may also be the idea that if the child wishes it hard enough, or performs just the right act, the person or pet may choose to come back, and not be dead any longer.[42] When considering their own illness or impending death, some children may feel that they are being punished for doing something wrong, or not doing something they should have, and therefore have become ill.[43] If a child's ideas about an event are incorrect because of their magical thinking, there is a possibility that the conclusions the child makes could result in long-term beliefs and behaviours that create difficulty for the child as they mature.[44]

Related terms[edit]​

  • "Quasi-magical thinking" describes "cases in which people act as if they erroneously believe that their action influences the outcome, even though they do not really hold that belief".[45] People may realize that a superstitious intuition is logically false, but act as if it were true because they do not exert an effort to correct the intuition.[46]

See also[edit]​

Notes[edit]​

  1. ^ The Azande practice of curing epilepsy by eating the burnt skull of a red bush monkey, based on the apparent similarity of epileptic movements and those of the monkeys, was discussed in Evans-Pritchard 1937, p. 487.

References[edit]​

  1. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Logically Fallacious. "Magical Thinking". Retrieved 20 May 2020.
  2. ^ Jump up to:a b Carroll RT (12 Sep 2014). "Magical thinking". The Skeptic's Dictionary. Retrieved 20 May 2020.
  3. ^ Jump up to:a b c Robert J. Sternberg; Henry L. Roediger III; Diane F. Halpern (2007). Critical Thinking in Psychology. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-60834-3.
  4. ^ Vamos, Marina (2010). "Organ transplantation and magical thinking". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry. 44 (10): 883–887. doi:10.3109/00048674.2010.498786. ISSN 0004-8674. PMID 20932201. S2CID 25440192.
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Sounds like your average conspiratard who believes in the "death jab" will kill you but all of the conspiratards have their own fallacious stories about it that don't even make sense with the claims of other conspiratards. :lul::lul::lul::lul:
 
  • Woah
Reactions: Deleted member 17791
Sounds like your average conspiratard who believes in the "death jab" will kill you but all of the conspiratards have their own fallacious stories about it that don't even make sense with the claims of other conspiratards. :lul::lul::lul::lul:
I do not comprehend.
 
Girls will fuck de poot and when he cheats on her she will cuddle with gosha and cry with him
More like DP cheats on girls with Gosha.
 
  • JFL
Reactions: sibience
First "guy" looks like a tomboy with short hair. It's that actually a dude? JFL
 

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